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Copy in Widener Library. The most famous were Gaspar de Jovellanos and Pedro de Campo- manes. Both had studied at the Real Instituto Asturiano, founded by Jovellanos. The Asturian upper class consisted of a gentry which had relatively small landed properties.

The principie of primogeniture was conserved to the end of the 18th century; consequently, the second and third sons of noble families usually took up a professional or military career. Traditionally they studied at the University of Oviedo. He studied law at the University of Oviedo, and in was a government functionary at Madrid, specializing in foreign languages. Evaristo San Miguel was the son of a landowning family and studied at the Real Instituto Asturiano and later at the University of Oviedo.

In he entered the Army as a cadet. He became one of the most renowned generals and politicians of his epoch. Alejandro Mon was of a wealthy family. He studied philo- sophy and law at the University of Oviedo and was a member of the revolutionary Batalion of Students at the time of the revolution of He was exiled between and ; later in the 's, as Minister of Finl:mces, he was destined to transform the Spanish economic administration.

In he was a lawyer at Madrid, but a year later was forced into exile. In the 's and later years he would become a prominent figure in the Moderate party. They were mostly merchants involved in extensive international trade. The 18th 67 J. This southern port monopolised most of the trade with the Spanish American colonies and carried on a lucrative wine trade with Great Bri- tain.

The first sprung from a family with a long tradition in the Spanish N avy. The latter two carne from prosperous merchant families, and they continued the family com- mercial concerns. AH were in favor of free trade and were closely identifi- ed with British interests. The three participated actively in the government of , but were later forced to emigrate. In the 's and 's they were among the chief political figures in Spain. Most of them spoke and read English and French.

The Spanish Liberals acquired a capitalist ethic, regardless of whe- ther they were landowners or merchants, military officers or lawyers. The exile of in France and England accentuated this tendency. They wished to reestablish the Constitution of and parliamentary govern- ment in Spain. The wanted to destroy the power of the Church and the feudal society it represented.

They desired to encourage the development of the capitalist economy and to reform the State administration. The ten years of exile allowed the political and economic ideology of the Spanish Liberals to grow and to ripen. By the time of the death of Ferdinand VII in , they constituted a unified and highly capable political and in- tellectual elite.

They were prepared to exercise power and they intended to do so. The Spanish intelligentsia was to become the political vanguard of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie and of the anti-Carlist land- ed oligarchy after The artisans composed the largest sector of the urban work force. Most were memebers of guilds which monopolized the trade in each article in their respective town or city.

Finally there was the factory proletariat, concentrated mostly in Barcelona, making up, however, only a small proportion of the total urban work force of the nation. As in most regions undergoing the slow process of expansion in textile manufacturing, a great number of the weavers and spinners in areas surrounding Barcelona worked at home and were essentially artisans tied down to a putting -out system of production. The concentration of all textile workers in the factories in the cities was progressing, but very far from complete in the Catalonia of In the rest of Spain the artisans constituted practically the absolute majority of the urban workers.

These groups played and important part in the political events af- ter , particularly in the numerous local and national rebeHions of They were the Spanish "sans-culottes" of the period. Like the "sans-culottes" they followed the lead of the bourgeoisie because they did not have a class conscience nor were they organized politically as a class.

Their ideology was a contradictory expression of both the pro- gressive bourgeois forces and of the traditional grievances of the artisan groups. The factory workers and artisans joined in insurrections prin- cipally to protest against the high consumer's taxes to which all urban Spaniards were subject, and which, in times of crisis, raised food prices beyond the workers' capacities to pay. Unfortunately there are practically no studies of 19th century artisans by historians of modern Spain.

It is therefore essential to draw parallels from the historical studies of artisans in other European countries, in particular France. Their ideology was not fundamentally different from that of the more powerful bour- geoisie. There were, in fact, few clear social difference between independent 72 A. Kaplow New York, , In the Spanish Census of , and in documents of later years, the groups of "artesanos", "menestrales", and "fabricantes" are lumped together.

The word "fabricante" could mean a small factory owner, or it could mean a wealthy artisan who had a large workshop. The confusion in this linguistic situation corresponded to the social reality. There was a real difference, however, between most artisans and the "fabricantes" or entrepreneurs. The "fabricante" did not do manual work himmself.

He had sorne liquid capital and a shop, and he hired workers. He sold his products directly to the consumer and was not bound by a guild nor necessarily bound to a middleman. The majority of the artisans, on the other had, were dependent. The artisan owned his own stock of tools, he could even engage journeymen. Legally he was free and as the head of a business, he appeared as an employer.

But economically he was only a salaried worker, dependent upon the wholesale merchant. In France the most popular word was "sans-culotte", referring to the type of dress of the urban worker. The Spanish equivalent expression of and later years was "descamisado", the shirtless one, because the average urban worker could not afford to huy the cotton or silk shirts that men of the middle classes wore.

Other words used to designate artisans were "menestrales" or "artesanos", and to designate day laborers, "jornaleros", "operarios", or "miserables". Within each artisanal guild there were three categories, apprentice, journeyman, and master artisan, "aprendiz", "oficial", and "maestro".

These distinctions, as well as the actual institutions of the guilds continued in the early 19th century. In there were still sorne 65, but after the dissolution of the guilds advanced rapidly. In the guild of small vendors "mercaderes por menor" disappeared. Most artisans as well as the new capitalists were opposed to the old guild structures, which strictly defined the activities of the members, monopolized the local markets, and were often run by a small group of artisan-entrepreneurs in league with the wholesale mer- chants.

The abolition of the guilds was a sociopolitical reform favored by most artisans and one that did not endanger their livelihood, chiefly because large-scale industrial production had not yet developed signifi- cantly and therefore did not offer serious competition. Statistics from demonstrate the small size of most manufactur- ing enterprises and the large number of artisanal establishments. In that year there were approximately 8, workmen engaged in manufacturing in the city of Madrid.

About men were employed in small factories producing leather and silk products, pianos and beer. The average number of workers per "factory" was from 2 to 5. These were not necessarily artisanal establishments, but they were hardly more than small shops. Among the master artisans of Madrid there were carpenters, shoe- makers, tailors, 40 silversmits, 34 chairmakers, etc.

Outside of the textile sector, most of the local manufacturing was in the hands of artisans. In there were in Reus 95 master artisans who were ropemakers, sandalmakers, master iron and locksmiths, 40 silversmiths, 60 build- ing masons, 80 carpenters, 92 shoemakers, 84 tailors, and bucket and barrel makers.

In total there were more factory workers than artisans in Reus, but the artisanal mentality was still dominant among both groups. There was clearly a greater proportional concentration of artisans and factory workers in Reus a city of 30, than in Madrid a city of , This fact is symptomatic of the contrast between the low level of ma- nufacturing in the cities and provinces of the interior, as opposed to the relatively high level in the Spanish maritime provinces, particularly in the East and South.

The towns and cities of Andalusia and of the Me- diterranean coast, including Valencia and Catalonia were larger than the towns of the central plateau and of the north, excepting only Madrid. Likewise the number of artisans in the South and East was much greater. This is important because it was precisely in these regions where political radicalism was most prevalent throughout the period and much of the rest of the 19th century.

The artisans formed the social basis of most of the local rebellions, "pronunciamientos", and "levantamientos". They formed the hotbed of advanced Liberalism and soon, of republi- canism. They did not revolt because of salary demands, but over the question of food supplies, and in particular against the urban food taxes called "consumos" or "derechos de puertas". These demands were ones which could be reconciled with the progressive bourgeois political pro- grams.

The urban working groups accepted, followed and defended the leadership of the commercial bourgeoisie. The hour of the Spanish pro- letariat had not yet arrived, nor would it arrive until the end of the 19th century when it had become a truly significant force.. The Spanish peasantry was, in effect, a collec- tion of distinct regional peasantries. The landless rural proletariat of An- dalusia, for example, had little in common with the extensive class of "minifundistas" of Galicia.

Many factors contributed to the regional dif- ferentiation : the different languages of each area, Galician, Basque, Ca- talan, and Castilian; the distinct customs and local traditions; the varied forms of land tenure and of cultivation.

All foreign travellers in Spain in the early 19th century noted these traits and described the singular preservation of colorful but time-worn regional customs, dress and habits. The traditionalism of the Spanish peasantry contrasted with the broad social and cultural changes in the rural areas of France, England, and Germany, where the spread of capitalism particularly the commerciali- zation of agriculture transformed agrarian practices and the life style of the peasants.

Neither the social structure nor the landholding patterns had changed significantly in the Spain of The greatest landed estates were to be found in Andalusia, ranging from 20, to an extraordinary , acres in a few cases. These "latifundia" were worked by a mass of landless laborers, many of whom lived in towns. They 'were the most oppressed and exploited of the Spanish peasantry. In central and southern Castile, in La Mancha and Extremadura there were also many great estates and a large rnass of landless peasants.

The principal agricultura! In central and northem Castile and in lower Aragon, on the other hand, a considerable portian of the soil belonged to small peasant farmers, or was owned collectively by whole villages. In Galicia the "minifundio" hectare plots was the principal form of property. The nominal owners of the land were the Church and the nobility, but they leased their land to the "foreros", who in turn subleased the tiny plots to peasant families.

The enormous population growth in Galicia made for a chronic land hunger throughout the 19th century and continual emigration from the region. In neighboring Asturias a considerable number of old noble families owned estates, but much land was also owned by small farmers. The rural economy of the Basque provinces, N avarre and Upper Aragon was "based on small farms handed down in the same family from generation to ge- neration or rented on long leases which were in practice hereditary".

This family community system did not permit the extreme subdivision of land which was common in Galicia. Apart from the great regional differences among the Spanish peasants there was one fact that stood out. The proportion of rural proletariat was higher than in practically any other European nation.

These men worked the great "latifundia" owned by aristocrats who lived in Seville or Madrid. The Andalusian rural laborer lived in conditions of chronic unemployment, four to five months of each year withouth work , and often on the verge of starvation. These terrible living conditions and the exploitation the peasants suffer- ed made the social situation in the Spanish countryside potentially explo- sive.

During the War of there were evidently widespread peasant revolts against their masters and exploiters. Unfortunately, there are no modern studies of the peasantry in Spain, and in particular of the peasantry during the early 19th century, so we have little documentary 81 There are extremely few historical studies of Spanish peasants or indeed of Spanish agriculture. Among the best brief summaries of the regional differences and land tenure patterns is contained in Gerald Brennan's The Spanish Labyrinth Cambridge University Press, , pp.

And what happened then? That in spite of the orders of the despotic government that reigned at that time The social antagonism between peasant and landlord continued after the war. In Andalusia, for instance, much of the hatred of the peasant towards the landlord seems to have been channeled into forms of primitive rebellion, chiefly banditry. The bandit gangs became the po- pular heroes of the poor peasants.

From Cartagena on the Mediterranean to Cape St. Vincent on the Atlantic, they exist in a perpetua! These levellers of social inequalities, and rough and ready equaliz. In numerous instances they were well-mounted, pillaged the richest dwellings and most comfortable farm- houses, kidnapped capitalists upon the high road, and held them in duress until they were paid an a.

In sorne areas they dedicated them- selves to the contraband trade, in others they were simply highwaymen. In the Basque provinces many of these gueriHa bands joined the Carlist movement and fought in the civil war of U, pp. The fact that the peasants of the Basque provinces, Navarre, and parts of Catalonia should have becorne Carlists has not yet been satisfactorily analyzed, rnuch lees explained, by any rnodern historian or sociologist.

Why other sectors of the peasantry did not becorne Carlists has also not been explained. Social and econornic conditions, the different relations between peasant and landlord all undoubtedly played a large part.

What we do know is that the War of had deeply affected the lives of rnany peasants, in sorne cases cornpletely disrupted it; that rnany peasants had taken up arrns, rnany had begun to refuse to obey the traditional feudal practices, and sorne had becorne politicized, creating popular support in sorne regions for reactionary rnovernents, for liberal rnovernents in other areas.

The Spanish peasantry had played a decisive role in the N apoleonic War, but in the 's the rnajority of the peasants did not play a large part in rnost of the political developrnents. They had taken the rnain stage of Spanish history at a rnost critica! The ultraroyalist forces challenged the power and stability of the government. They organized conspiracies, the revolt of in Catalonia, and finally the Carlist re- bellion in The Spanish upper classes were deeply divided: the majority of the ecclesiastical hierarchy and the clergy favored Carlism, as did a minority of the aristocracy and of the army officers.

The majo- rity of the landlord class, including most of the Grandees , the merchants, the industrialists, and most military officers became more and more oppos- ed to the ultra-royalists. The arbiter of the political and social struggle was Ferdinand VII. He attempted to strike a balance by playing one force off against the other.

Between and , however, the ultra-royalists Carlists had the upper hand in terms of political activity and propaganda. From the Church mobilized its very considerable organizational capacity and utiliz- ed its ideological prestige to carry out a campaign to reestablish the absolute authority of Catholicism and to extirpate all vestiges of Libe- ralism.

Many of its more fanatic members proposed to reestablish the Inquisition, which would now be used to persecute Liberals instead of Jews or Protestants. In an "apostolic Junta" was formed in Madrid to promote this fanatic clerical plan to reconstitute the Inquisition and reinforce theocracy. One of its leaders was the Bishop of Osuna; its newspaper was called El Restaurador. In time, the police of Madrid and other cities began to investigate their activities.

He said that the friars and priests dedicated themselves "to inculcate hatred and venge- ance, instead of the peace and harmony of which they are supposed to be ministers". He added: "The reestablishment of the Inquisition is the weapon with which these spokesmen of disorder wish to obtain a power- 1 Lurs A. In a military rebellion broke out in Catalonia, led by the ultra-royalists.

Its ultimate object apparently was either to oust the King, or to weaken his control of the government and Army. Fer- dinand VII responded quickly to this threat and went himself to Catalonia to crush the rebellion, which was quickly accomplished. The unsuccessful revolt had the effect of intensifying the latent political divisions within the monarchy. The Army became increasingly opposed to Don Carlos and to the ultra-royalists. The reactionaries remained even more determined to seize power on the death of Ferdinand VIL The majority of the propertied classes had remained politically passive up till now.

But the increasing financia! The basis of much of the unrest among the propertied classes could be traced directly to the bankruptcy of the government administration. Furthermore, :mtside of Spain, there were powerful forces pushing for at least moderate economic reforms. By , therefore, important if little noticed pressures had built up both internally and exter- nally in opposition to the ultra-royalists and their fanatic ecclesiastical supporters.

The first problem was how to continue to make the increasing interest payments to European bankers on the Spanish foreign debt, and thereby maintain the nation's international credit. The second was how to pay the interest on the huge 2 lbid. The third was how to rationalise the chaotic state administration and tax-collecting system. AH three problems were of immediate significance to different powerful groups. Since the Napoleonic War the Spanish State had accumulated a substan- tial foreign debt, both during the period of constitutional government of and the decade of absolutist rule of The foreign banking houses demanded regular payments of interest on the bonds, and as a group constituted a major external pressure group clamor- ing for financia!

Ferdinand VII had publicly refused to recognize the foreign debts contracted by the Liberal government of The intemational credit of Spain was nonetheless not solid. The sell- ing price of the Spanish bonds on the market-place tended to be quite low, although they were usually sold rapidly.

Many European bankers play- ed the Spanish bonds on the stock market not because Spanish credit was good but because the bonds were subject to extreme fluctuations which often allowed for a financia! It depended upon the foreign advances of cash simply to stay afloat. Each new contract that Ballesteros arranged with Aguado was used to pay the government and army expenses, as well as to pay the interest on the foreign debt outstanding. Don Pedro soon took power and re-introduced Liberalism in Portugal.

A Iarge amount of commercial capital was thus transferred into State bonds which paid regular interest up until the Napoleonic invasion. The most serious problem was clearly the inability of the State to comply with its financia! The interna! The restoration of the absolute monarchy in Ied to a particu- Iarly serious crisis. This is one of the best studies of Portuguese Liberalism in the 's and 's, and provides information on the political relationships with Spain.

See Chapter l. The net effect of the political reaction was to reduce the already weak condifence of Spanish investors in the economy. In the Spanish interna! The merchants, industrialists, landowners and rentiers of Spain in had little available hard currency and they had considerable amounts of apparently valueless "vales reales". Only a profound economic reform, in- cluding that of the State finances could change the situation. There were at the time two political solutions to the economic quandary, that of the liberals and that of the Carlists.

On the one hand it would restare the credit of the government, and on the other it would transfer capital to the upper classes by transforming unproductive ecclesiastical lands and buildings into productive "bourgeois" property. The Carlists, on the contrary, pro- posed no structural reforms; the Church was to remain untouched and the State was to manage as befare.

Clearly the majority of the holders of "vales reales" were not particularly favorable to Carlism. There was also pressure for reform in the area of the State administration of taxes, duties, etc. The local administration and the tax system in the reign of Ferdi- nand VII was essentially that which had prevailed in the 18th century. Government manuals of the 's defined the duties and functions of the royal functionaries, "corregidores", "alcaldes reales", in the traditional H fbid.

These sales were re-initiated in , and therefore were not a novel idea or practice. See the recent studies by the historian Richard Herr on this topic. Legis- lation in these different regions varied substantially. Government revenues were supplied chiefly by customs taxes collected at the ports, by indirect taxes on consumption, and by the government salt and tobacco monopolies. There were few direct taxes on property. Local monopolists also added obstacles to commercialization : "There were towns in which even the sale of bread, potatoes, barley were monopolized, and also the sale of silk and thread in establishments which called themselves harberdashery shops Another was the lack of good transport, roads, canals, and navegable rivers.

Yet another was the lack of uniformity in weights and measures, which varied from region to region and even from district to district. Finally, the lack of mercantile liberty, including severe restrictions and taxes also made commerce difficult. From onwards there were important groups that pressured the government for reforms in these areas. The Castillian wheat producers pushed for a liberalization of the interna!

But they needed protection against the imports of cheap wheat from southern Italy and the rich agricultura! Furthermore the peasant rebellions ley by the ultra- royalists in Catalonia in and by the Carlists in the Basque provinces in threatened the stability of rural society. Castillian wheat producers could only be opposed to this state of regional anarchy. They would not support the Carlist cause after the death of Ferdinand VIL The economic forces that tended to favor a capitalist reform of the Spanish State and society were, nevertheless, not politically organized.

There were no formal political parties during the absolute mo- narchy of The smaU financialjadministrative elite in Madrid led by Ballesteros attempted to rnake the tax system more efficient and stimulated a few economic projects, but they were not capable of carry- ing through fundamental social and economic reform. The powerful ultra- royalist forces and the Church attacked Liberal-capitalist ideas and pro- grams.

The anti-Liberal campaigns of the reactionaries dominated the politics of the period. The economic and political incoherence of a weak commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, and of a divided landed nobility, made alrnost impossible any program of econornic reform and moderni- zation within the structure of the absolute monarchy. The political stale- mate would end only with the death of Ferdinand VII in During the civil war of they declined; there was a grain depression throughout Europe in these years.

See Parliamentary Pappers , vol. XXXIV, pp. XI, supplement 15 no. UU, Accounts and Papers, p. The Carlists wished to see him succeeded by his younger and even more reactionary brother, Carlos. In September, , when the King suffered a particu- larly severe bout of his illness, it appeared that the Carlists had won.

But the monarch recovered and soon thereafter a thorough purge of the Carlists was undertaken. It was the Army which decided this turn of events, and assured the defeat of reaction. The Army generals became the arbiters of political life between and because the Spanish ruling classes were divided. The military were the only solid guarantee that Ferdinand VII had that the right wing terrorist campaign would not throw the country into a state of total chaos, swallowing up the monarchy in factional war.

By the Army consisted of sorne 50, troops and generals. The history of the struggle between these two large military forces during the last decade of absolutist rule is the history of the conflict between "ultra-royalists" and "moderates"; it also forebodes the Carlist War of The growth of the Royalist Volunteers as a powerful instrument of theocratic reaction increasingly forced the official Army to turn against the Church and against the followers of Don Carlos.

In the Spanish Army had been largely destroyed as a result of the French invasion which expelled the Liberals and reestablished Ferdinand VII as absolute monarch. A great number of officers who had been Liberals went into exile. Sorne 20,, French troops remained stationed in Spain. They consti- tuted a virtual army of occupation, although they did not get overly involved in domestic politics.

Ferdinand VII might have rested con- tent with this foreign force as a bulwark for his regime, but he was 27 The "moderates" were essentially the financialfadministrative elite that had supported the reform programs of Ballesteros. The role of the "moderates" was pointed out by several 19th century historians. More recently the conservative historian F. For this, a new Spanish Army was necessary, and recruiting began in April of They were authoritarian Ro- yalists whose loyalty was to the stability of the State and the strength of the Army.

They wielded great power at Madrid, but even more as regional commanders, the captain generals who had an extreme degree of administrative and political autonomy. The most important military lea- der was Miguel Ibarrola, Marquess of Zambrano, , Minister of War between and The War Minister, Zambrano, had served the Liberals in , but in had gone into exile, later returning with the Royalist invasion. Zambrano put into effect a program to reinvigorate and consolidate the Army, He guaranteed regular payments of soldiers wages and officers salaries by demanding that the government meet the Army expenses befare all others.

The Army was challenged, however, by the unprofessional Royalist Volunteers. These were a type of rural police "clad in celestial blue who occupied themselves in terrorizing the village Liberals and intellectuals they so much disliked". There was, nonetheless, an Inspec- 29 E. Diario de Sesiones de Cortes, Legislatura de , pp. The Ro- yalist Volunteers became the military instruments of the ultra-reactionary movement spa:wned by the Church and feudal-minded aristocrats.

The government became increasingly concerned with the terrorist acti- vities of the clerical secret societies and with their influence among the Volunteers. In April, , the first revolts of the Royalist Volunteers broke out in Catalonia. The police found that very important individuals were involved in a plan to get rid of the "moderate" Ministers of the government, and even to oblige Ferdinand VII to step down from the throne, allowing his younger brother Carlos to become King.

Apostolic juntas sprung up in Manresa, Vich, Gerona and Figueras, led chiefly by ecclesiastics. The Royalist V olunteers provided military leadership and troops, and were supported by a large sector of the local peasantry. He had participated in the Royalist reaction of , but was bitter because he had not been granted an officer's salary afterwards. They called themselves the "Malcontents", the Discon- tented Ones.

An anonymous witness noted that "in the rebellion of , it was seen that the advocates of fanaticism consisted of the most mi- serable "proletarians", who at the same time as they declared for an absolute King, attacked the upper classes for their predominance and their privileges.

Military repression was necessary. On the 28th the King was in Tarragona; soon the reactionary movement had been crushed. The insurrection of , of the War of the "Agraviados" the Ag- grieved Ones as it is more popularly known, obliged the Army to become more political.

The Generals began to turn against the Church and the more retrograde aristocrats; instead they became more favorable to the "moderates" and reform. The defeat of the "Malcontents" and of the Royalist Volunteers of Catalonia strengthened the position of the generals. The rebellion had apparently demonstrated that the Spanish Army was ca- pable of maintining order and arresting the advance of the right-wing forces.

He foresaw that his brother Carlos, with his devoted fanatical supporters would not desist in their drive for power. Furthermore, Carlos had a legitimate reason to aspire to the throne; his royal brother had no children to inherit it. Ferdinand VII solved this problem shortly. Carlos, however, was not satisfied; he argued that only a male child could claim the throne, according to the Salic Law decreted by King Phillip V in Ferdinand countered that his father, Carlos IV, had revoked the Salis Law in , and had drawn up the Pragmatic Sanction, which stated that any direct descendant of the King, male or female, had prior rights to the monarchy.

There was still plenty of room for worry. The Carlists were intent on seizing power. There were generals in the Army, as well as persons in high positions in the State, who were openly sympathetic to the cause of Don Carlos. Ferdinand VII attempted to guarantee the loyalty of his Army by a lavish distribution of favors.

In September of it seemed that the monarch was at the point of death. The next day, however, the King's health improved. On the 21st of September he was apprently out of danger. She immediately denounced Calomarde and obliged him to bring her the famous document. She tore it into shreds. Sensing defeat and fearing the wrath of his master, Ferdinand, Calomarde sneaked out of Madrid that night, taking the road for the French frontier and exile.

During this political crisis the military at Madrid had been clearly divided. Furthermore, "regimenta! He wished to ensure the pacific succession of the daughter of Ferdinand VIL For this he believed necessary a program of limited reform, of conciliation of both "moderates" and the exiled Liberals. He reopened the Universities which had been closed since , exonerated many political prisoners, and de- creed and amnesty for the majority of Liberal exiles.

The "enlightened despotism" of the new govemment also brought sorne significant economicjadministrative reforms. Many monopolisitic practices 39 E. In March of a decree was published allowing wine producers to freely seU their wines. Strict censor- ship remained in force; no political parties were allowed. Consequently, the social basis of the new government remained weak, although certainly its chief enemy the Carlists had been temporarily defeated.

When Fer- dinand VII died on the 29th of September, , the whole of the civil and military establishment supported the peaceful succession of Princess Isabel and her mother as Queen-Regent. The generals were determined not to allow the civilian bureaucrats to give them orders, in particular not to limit the autonomy of the Captain- Generals.

Under the old regime these military rulers of the provinces had exercised authority over all local administrative personnel. The "corregi- dores" were responsible to them; consequently, local politics were largely the domain of the generals. In they carne to be known popularly as the "Pashas" or "Satraps" because of their great regional power.

He was also a close friend of the Prince of Anglona, brother of the Duke of Osuna, one of the most powerful Grandees who was named CaptainjGeneral of Granada. This document appeased severa! On the 5th of October, the Regency Council met for the first time and expressed disapproval of the actions of the Prime Minister. The Regency Council was a body of distinguished individuals named by Ferdinand VII in his will to supervise matters of state after his death. The principal members. The Marquess is a remarkable man, very well read, he speaks severa!

The Prime Minister refused to consider the last point, perhaps think- ing that any structural changes would lead to his own downfall. He trusted in the confidence the Queen-Regent had in him, and he was determined to continue to rule. The Queen-Regent's opinions soon began to change, however. She dismissed Zea, but allowed Burgos to remain as Minister in the new government. His nickname was "Rosita la Pastelera", "Rosy the pastry maker", because he had a talent for political compromise, even willing to com- promise his own Liberal principies.

He was logically considered to be the ideal person to guide the transition from absolute to representative go- vernment. On the surface this palace coup d'etat was the result of a conspiracy by the dique of "moderate" aristocrats and the "Pashas" of the Army to get rid of a troublesome and dogmatic government bureaucrat, who hap- pened to be Prime Minister. More deeply the political crisis of was the consequence of the profound split within the Spanish ruling classes which produced a temporary political vacuum at the time of the death of Ferdinand VII.

The social divisions had arisen out of the turbulent war years of and the political struggles that followed. They were accentuated by the intolerant and violent Carlist campaign, led by the Church, in the last years of the absolute monarchy. The more reactionary ecclesiastics and feudal-minded aristocrats questioned the legitimacy of the rule of the monarch, Ferdinand VII because they feared that the power of the Church and the influence of clericalism were on the wane.

The massive destruction of monasteries during the Napoleonic War, the 50 E. The Church did not intend to accomodate itself to this new situation; only a return to the "anden regime" was acceptable, including the reestablishment of the Inquisition. The Carlist movement was the instrument of this uncom- promising program. Secret societies, the rebellion of the Royalist Volun- teers, conspiracies at the highest levels of government, all were legitimate weapons in this holy crusade.

The majority of the landed proprietors of Spain, the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, the Army, and the King himself were menaced by the ultra-reactionaries. In effect the actions of the Right pushed the bulk of the Spanish propertied classes towards Liberalism, an ideology which was in many ways antipathetic to them. But the Church and Don Carlos had refused to compromise, even over the politically absurd question of the reestablishment of the Inquisition.

Thus a lack of flexibility had made impossible the reconciliation of two factions which were both essentially royalists, the "moderates" and the Carlists. It was weak precisely because they were royalist aristocrats and generals, representatives of the class structure of the 18th century monarchy. In order to obtain the sup- port of the middle classes, of the artesans, and of the richer and middl- ing peasants they were obliged to turn to Liberalism.

The establishment of a parliamentary government, which could claim the loyalty of these broader social sectors, could also guarantee the throne of Isabel against the military rebellion led by Don Carlos in the Basque provinces. The years mark the transition from absolute monarchy to representative government in Spain. With the return of the several thou- sand political exiles carne Liberalism and liberal institutions.

Parliamentary government, freedom of the press, municipal elections were reestablished. A N ational Mili tia was set up in all the cities to protect them from Carlist attacks and to defend the new government. The formation of radical clubs, the parliamentary debates, the spread of pamphlet literature and newspapers, all contributed to the increasing consciousness of social and political change.

The traditional aristocratic and military elites tried to limit these transformations, but failed. The former exiles now exercised control, the Liberal intelligentsia had taken power. Historical circumstances accentuated the tendency towards political radicalism. By the Carlist rebellion in the North had become a full- scale war. The Liberal government at Madrid was forced to battle for its life.

Money, men and supplies had to be sent to the Army fighting in the North. The civil war between Carlists and Liberals became the most signi- ficant expression of the larger struggle between, the absolute monarchies of the Holy Alliance, Austria, Prussia and Russia, and the liberal parlia- mentary governments of the Quadruple Alliance of England, France, Spain and Portugal. The English and French bourgeoisies supported the Spanish Liberals because they feared the possible consequences of a Carlist victory, which would not only be a victory for Metternich and the European aristocracy, but also a blow against English and French commercial expan- sion in the Meditteranean.

News of Liberal victories against the Carlists spurred upwards the price of Spanish bonds on the stock markets of London and Paris; contrary news had the opposite effect. We are primarily interested in the social and political changes that led to the consolidation of the bourgeois parliamentary State in Spain in this period.

The years were the first and crucial stage in this process, the stage in which the liberal intelligentsia carne to exercise power and began to reform society. Who were the Liberals, how did they come to control Spanish politics, and who supported them are sorne of the major questions to be asked, as well as who was opposed to liberal reform. Reforms were not carried out without opposition.

The Carlists, old ro- yalists, aristocrats and clergymen tried their best to slow the advance of radicalism. Even within the liberal party there were splits among conser- vatives and radicals. These divisions were most evident in the debates of the new Spanish parliament. The distinct parliamentary groups of were the precursors of the future political parties, the Progressives and the Moderates.

To understand these developments, attention must now be focused on Madrid and the new political system forged by the Liberals. When the thousands of Liberal exiles returned to Spain in a great number went directly to Madrid. There they founded and publish- ed newspapers, formed clubs, and soon dominated the intellectual and political life of the capital. Madrid was a city of sorne , inhabitants, but to the Liberals it undoubtedly appeared provincial and backward compared to Paris and London, the cities where most had spent their long ten years'exile.

Architecturally the capital remained much as it had been in the 18th century: most of the daily activity centered around the two main squares, the Puerta del Sol and the Plaza Mayor. But Madrid, like most Spanish cities , was still dominated by great numbers of monasteries and convents : there were in a total a 69, huge and half empty. The older sections of the city, which proliferated with petty commerce, were full of narrow streets and overcrowded tenements.

There was only one bank, and only one truly large industrial establishment, the tobacco factory which employed over 2, workers, mostly women. As the administrative center of the monarchy, Madrid provided a livelihood for a large number of functionaries and at- tracted the greater number of the Grandees and a large proportion of Army generals and officers. The following contemporary description pro- vides a vivid idea of the actual life of the city shortly before In his splendid guide to Madrid, published in , Mesonero Ro- manos inserted a short passage titled "A day in Madrid": "At dawn the motion of this numerous town begins slowly.

The gates are opened to let in scores of villagers who bring their wares from the surrounding countryside to deposit them in the abundant market places of the capital; At two-o-clock the offices begin to empty Afterwards the population remains in repose; the siesta, which among the inferior classes is little or nothing, is prolonged more than an hour by the other classes; but at four-o-clock the city is reanimated Most work is left aside, leaving room for pleasure; the shaded walks are peopled with individuals of al!

All remain happily in these activities until night approaches The majority return to their homes to enjoy their repose, while others pro long their pleasures Indeed, the reestablish- ment of parliamentary government in and the return of the Spanish Liberals from exile soon mad. The government also published a decree on the 15th of February establishing the urban Militia to protects the cities from possible Carlist attacks. The Militia batalions rapidly became bastions of advanced liberalism.

Given the fact that these 16, gentlemen were most likely large landlords, it is difficult to assume that the Estatuto truly gave an opportunity to the urban bourgeoisie to directly participate in national politics. There were also eleven bishops and archbishops, members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy not directly identified with the Carlists.

The upper chamber faithfully represented the aristocratic elite of the "ancien regime". Perhaps it. In practice, the Esta- mento de Procuradores like the House of Commons was the more important legislative body, and it met far more frequently. Proposals for laws were always submitted first to the lowed chamber which debated the question, approving or rejecting the proposed laws. The upper chamber rarely refused to approve a law; such an action would most likely lead to a major political crisis.

The Spanish parliament opened its doors on the 24th of July. The representatives held their meetings in a building which had been a church; it was renovated to serve as a chamber of deputies and continued serving this function until l. The Procurad! The first legislative sess- ions were held in the midst of a turbulent situation. A cholera epidemic had hit Madrid, hundreds of persons had died, and many of the wealthy classes had fled the city.

The monks were also accused of being Carlist sympathisers and of storing arms in the monasteries. The opposition group particularly criticized the Estatuto Real, arguing that it was not a constitution and that it did not guarantee many basic rights and liberties. The petition was signed by numerous old Liberals and sorne younger ones.

The bill had twelve articles, affirming individual rights, equality befare the law, freedom of the press, and a request that the N ational Mili tia be reconstituted in the same form as in n. The representatives discussed the question, voted and approved it by 71 to 38 votes.

Within a few weeks the remaining representatives arrived at the ca- pital, and the Cabinet obtained a working majority. The opposition ne- vertheless kept on pressing the question of the bill of rights. Their initial po- litical program was simple and straightforward. They supported the afore- mentioned bill, which would lead later to the proclamation of a consti- tution, and they pressed for the more democratic organization of the National Militia which at this stage was called "urban militia" 12 , The conservative groups were the first to recognize and distinguish the political divisions within the lower chamber.

As early as the 13th of August, , La Abeja, a conservative newspaper, made the following commentary: "only one major question has been debated in the Estamento de Procuradores; yet already on account of it, there have appeared both in the Estamento and in the newspaper press of the capital, a party of the Ministry and another of the opposition.

It should have been expected, for the very nature of representative government demands this La Abeja defined the factions as being the one, "moderate", and the other, "ra- dical", recalling the political distinctions of the constitutional period of He had sent the Mar- quis of Miraflores to London as ambassador, who, with the British Mi- nister of Foreign Affairs Palmerston, was able to arrange the signing of the Quadruple Alliance.

Don Miguel, led the absolutist forces. Don Carlos had joined this army when Ferdinand VII died, hoping that a right wing victory in Portugal would aid the reactionary cause in Spain. Don Carlos, however, managed to escape and reached England on a British ship. He remained there briefly, soon to secretly return to northern Spain in order to lead the Carlist rebellion.

The parliamentary opposition pressed the government particularly on two points: the Army and the Mili tia. General Rodil, who had been in charge of the Army of the N orth, was removed on the 7th of October, , and replaced by the famous guerrilla leader of the W ar of Independence, General Espoz y Mina. But he did not have much more success than his predecessor. The more "radical" politicians in Madrid called for a larger urban militia.

I, pp. IH, p. It was in the parliamentary debates, nonetheless, that the opposition showed its deter- mination to press for more progressive measures. Yet it was from these grouping that the future political parties were to be born; respectively the Modera te and the Progressive parties. The only modern historian that has dealt with this question, J. Villaroya, makes a misleading resume of the situation. Fortunately, there exist statistical tables of the votes of those years, published in the Eco de,Z Comercio on February 12, , and they disprove this assertion.

This chart provides an index of how the representatives voted on several of the most important issues, and gives the numerical distribution of votes per deputy in the total 78 votes of the legislature of : for the government, against, and abstensions.

The legislative session of was not only extremely active, but also demonstrated a high level of political dedication and realism. This is surprising, considering that the Liberal government had taken power close on the heels of a chaotic and despotic period of absolutist rule, and in the midst of a vicious civil war.

The credit goes chiefly to the large number of experienced and energetic liberal emigres, both conservative and radical, who returned to Spain in that year. A French visitor com- mented on the Spanish parliament in this period : "I cannot express-he said- the admiration I have experienced at the dignity of the language, the balance of the words, fhe subtelty which the orators use, and the silent religious-like calm and attention of the Chamber.

I have no remorse in affirming that the Spanish deliberating assembly is a veritable model in nobility and seriousness. In Barcelona many con- vents were burned, the largest and most modern factory was destroyed, and there were popular riots. The revolts were motivated by several causes, among which the most important were the increased political consciousness, the disasters of the Carlist War, and the continuing devasta- tion caused by the cholera epidemic, particularly in the coastal Medit- terranean towns.

These juntas were closely linked to the parliamentary opposition and its press in Ma- drid, which set the general guidelines for the political protest, namely the dismissal of the present Cabinet and the implementation of reforms. His ministry was brief. He did not have the confidence of opposing political leaders, mainly because he continued with the same policy of the "juste milieu". His chief failure was his inability to disband the provincial juntas.

He had friends in the opposition party, and was rumored to have great plans for the winn- ing of the civil war and for administrative reform. Most of the revolutionary juntas that had originally rebelled against the Ministry of Toreno soon disbanded. During the nine months he served as Prime Minister Sept. By conservatives he was considered a dictator of the Left; by his own partisans and by many radicals he was deemed the chief pillar of the new Liberal State.

The first was a practical approach to the problem of establishing Liberalism with foreign financia! The second was the necessity to strengthen the State and the bourgeoisie at the expense of the feudalistic Church. The third was the reform of the sick man, which was the Spanish state. His political philosophy was not sophisticated.

He was a fervent Liberal, and his conception of himself was probably something on the line of an efficient doctor who used finances and practica! His close attachment to British politics and finances, as well as his contribution to the Portuguese Liberal cause formed the context of his preparation. His experience and contacts made him one of the more internationally respected of Spanish statemen, but his lack of grasp of domestic political developments led him to nu- merous failures.

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The BT55 was Gordon Murray's sublime disaster, the star designer reaching for the stars with his low-line design but instead sinking down into a dark sea of non-finishes and even death. Dumfries' failure was no doubt the saddest of the three, since he was the only one not to get a reprieve in F1. In Alliot's case, there was always a French team around to give Philippe yet another break, despite his mediocre talent - in an age when the number of entries was soon to peak at 40 it seems someone always had a seat left for the Frenchman.

And there was someone else giving Gordon Murray his break. Johnny Dumfries, however, was the residu of Ayrton Senna's grinding mill, and he remained so, left with absolutely no chance to rejoin Grand Prix racing. Royals and other blue-blooded members of the aristocracy have always been around in motorsport ever since the very early days of competition. The reasons were obvious since not many folk beyond the noble and the rich could buy a motorcar for competition in the early s, let alone for private use.

Sadly these three all died under tragic circumstances. In fact it took days before the elderly man was identified as the royal he was. Of course the latter figure was a fictional character from the hugely popular early-seventies television series The Persuaders. Sinclair's role was portrayed by none other than Roger Moore… Then, in , in an age when Grand Prix racing had become synonymous with the FIA Formula 1 World Championship, the playground for 25 to 35 talented men some of them hugely talented, others hugely sponsored , came Johnny Dumfries.

It was his single year in F1, and he wasn't even supposed to be there. In fact, Johnny's Lotus team had another Briton in mind to partner their new lead driver Ayrton Senna, who had used the season to slowly shoefork his team mate Elio de Angelis - a six-year Lotus member - out of the number one seat within the team. The ever political Brazilian succeeded conclusively and Elio sought refuge with Brabham, themselves in need of a new number one, now that Nelson Piquet had finally got himself into another World Championship mount at Williams.

The man Lotus had pencilled in for the No. One year earlier, Derek had already missed his big break, believing his short-term prospects with Renault were better than a long-term future with Canon Williams Honda. So Williams signed their number two choice, who went on to win his first two Grands Prix in a season Warwick thought was going to be marred by terrible Honda reliability. The next winter Warwick again was the number one choice, now for Lotus.

And again the back-up choice got the drive but this time the scenario was somewhat different from Derek's drama. That time he had himself to blame, this time he was plainly blocked. By his team mate not-to-be… Senna felt his exclusive number one position in Team Lotus would be threatened by the underrated but extremely talented Warwick so the Brazilian exercised a contractual veto against the signing of Warwick.

Needless to say, the Chapman-less Lotus team, now headed by Peter Warr, were impressed and duly gave way - which looking at the wins Ayrton gave them wasn't entirely unjust. The upshot of it all was that Derek Warwick had no Renault team to go back to, forcing him to look to sportscars. Then, in a cruel mid-season twist of fate, Derek became the one to go to Brabham, not following De Angelis but replacing him.

Meanwhile, Lotus were still without a second driver. To "help" the team solve the matter Senna then promoted his compatriot and close friend Mauricio Gugelmin for the number two seat. In the end, Ayrton didn't get all his wishes granted as Gugelmin was deemed too inexperienced by the team. They had a case in hand since Mauricio was not to get his F1 break until two years later.

But then they signed rookie Dumfries. Dumfries' boyish looks fooled many but Johnny was already 28 by He did however earn his seat by merit as he had already logged many miles in a GP car before he got the race seat at Lotus.

He finished the season with points and scored 10 wins. Runner-up was Canadian Allen Berg on 67 points. The blue-blooded Scot was on his way to the double in but he eventually finished second in the European Formula 3 Championship on 53 points, Ivan Capelli taking the title on 60 points.

Thanks to his four wins Dumfries finished ahead of Gerhard Berger, who scored 49 points. He was also employed by Ferrari as a test driver. There was little success in the F championship but by the end of Johnny had already logged miles in a Grand Prix car for Brabham, McLaren, Lotus, Williams as well as his Ferrari duties. So, in spite of being a rookie, he was well-prepared for his entry at the highest level. Johnny had a promising debut for Team Lotus in Brazil.

He was a fine 11th on the grid and set fourth fastest lap. Some mid-race confusion in the Lotus pits meant that he was unlucky not to score points in his premier GP. Dumfries' Lotus had developed a misfire mid-race and he arrived in the pits just at the time that Senna was about to pit for new tyres.

The pit crew promptly changed the tyres on Johnny's car and sent him out again. Next time around the pit was occupied by Senna and Johnny had to struggle around another lap with the misfiring engine before being able to pit again. During the third stop in as many laps the misfire was swiftly dealt with but Johnny's chances for a point-scoring finish were gone. Unfortunately, Brazil remained the highlight of Dumfries' season. The early promise shown at Jacarepagua wasn't quite fulfilled and the rest of the season was not on par with his debut drive.

On a track he knew well Johnny was again inside the top-ten during qualifying at his home GP at Brands Hatch. He finished the race just outside the points in seventh place. His race was over when he pitted for fresh tyres while lying 7th. His pit crew detected a holed water radiator. On equal terms with all the other drivers on the grid Johnny drove a solid race at the new Hungaroring track for the inaugural Hungarian GP.

A eighth position on the grid was converted into a fine fifth place in the end. In the penultimate race of the season at Mexico Johnny was again plagued by problems, which had led to a lowly 17th grid position. He was out by lap As a contrast Johnny's team mate Ayrton Senna had put his similar Lotus on the pole for the seventh time that season. On his way to third place Senna passed the radar at Johnny bowed out of GP racing by finishing a fine 6th and scoring his third championship point at Adelaide.

In retrospect Johnny's three points compared to Ayrton's 55 honestly did more to confirm Ayrton's exceptional skills than the other way around. But as we said, that's in retrospect… This race was also last time we saw the famous JPS colours on the Lotuses.

For next year it would all change. For the season the cars would be in an unfamiliar bright Camel yellow, and more importantly Honda engines had been secured. The Honda engines however came thanks to the courtesy of Japanese veteran driver Satoru Nakajima.

So Johnny was elbowed out of the Lotus team. He had talks with Zakspeed for but they eventually signed Martin Brundle and Christian Danner instead. Johnny had to look elsewhere and he chose the popular option for washed out Grand Prix drivers: Group C racing. But as he was also remembered for his renowned testing skills he signed a testing contract with Benetton as well.

The transmission lasted only 37 laps on this occasion. Johnny's finest hour came during next year's hour race at Le Mans when he scored a popular win for the TWR Jaguar team. His driving partners were Jan Lammers and Andy Wallace. But in the ultra-competitive F championship Johnny seemed lost as he did not have any strong showings. Meanwhile, Dumfries continued on his testing duties for Benetton during the and seasons, his final test being at Estoril in December of testing a B For most viewers - but not for Johnny!

Johnny had slid wide in the Porsche Curves and bent the rear suspension on his Toyota 89CV, coming to a halt at the side of the track. In front of dozens of TV cameras Johnny set about trying to make temporary repairs on his car, a frantic activity which lasted for two whole hours, with hordes of TOM'S mechanics and ACO officials watching over his shoulders, the latter ones keeping the former ones from illegally helping the desperate Earl.

When Dumfries finally got the car going it caught a camera power cable from one of the attending TV crews and this got wound around the wheel, destroying poor Johnny's temporary repair… The Toyota years of '90 did not bring much for Johnny in the way of results. Unreliable cars and strong opposition from TWR Jaguar, Sauber-Mercedes but also - no doubt much to the dissatisfaction of the Toyota people - the improving Nissan cars prevented that.

A seventh place at Jarama and an eighth at Spa-Francorchamps were Johnny's poor rewards. The flat-6 expired on lap 45 and with it the Earl of Dumfries faded away from the big scene. At the Festival of Speed Johnny - in the art business nowadays and himself a talented painter - put on a new set of overalls, these being fire-proof again, as he reacquainted himself with his Le Mans-winning Silk Cut Jaguar mount.

A happy rendez-vous with his erstwhile team leader Jan Lammers preceded a spectacular run up the hill - or rather, towards the hill, as Johnny missed his breaking point at Molecomb, the sharp lefthander turning towards the hill ascent.

The Big Cat slid off straight ahead and comprehensively thumped the hay stacks. Johnny climbed out and raised his hands towards his helmet in despair but fortunately the XJR9 proved much more durable than the Maserati Birdcage that had gone off a while before and was towed away with a severely bent nose. This time, however, the straw bales suffered more. Johnny will have happily returned to his painting.

In he made his start, driving karts, and in it was on to Formula Ford. His ability was sufficient that he moved to F3 with Dave Morgan, two years later. From the first seven rounds of the British series, he won six and had one second place. That pretty much set him up for a dominant display, and he was able to fit in plenty of rounds in the European championship, where he also challenged for supremacy against such talents as Ivan Capelli and Gerhard Berger.

Four wins and two seconds got him within four points of the victorious Italian, whilst four more wins at home won him that title by a crushing margin. This led to a ride with Onyx in F, but he only managed to score a single point, at Vallelunga, and he was let go early. Having done some testing for the Lotus F1 team, however, a better chance opened up for him in This came about when Ayrton Senna told the team that he would not accept Derek Warwick as his new team-mate, following the departure of Elio de Angelis to Brabham.

The Brazilian reasoned, quite possibly correctly, that Lotus were, at this stage in their illustrious history, unable to properly field two competitive cars that could challenge for good results. It may not have seemed that way to Warwick, but Senna probably felt it would be unfair for a driver of his talents to be saddled with the second rate equipment.

And, of course, he was also trying to make sure that efforts would not detract from his own prospects. Therefore a rookie team-mate was just what was called for, and Dumfries was offered what would obviously be the number two seat at Lotus.

So it proved, with Senna scoring 55 points and two wins, and Johnny managing only three points. He had a sixth in Australia, two sevenths and two ninths. For , it was all change. Lotus secured a second supply of the Honda engines already used by Williams, and a condition of this was to give the second seat to Satoru Nakajima of Japan.

After one season, Dumfries was out of F1. He would do some test driving for Benetton, but then it was into sportscar racing with Porsche, Toyota, Jaguar. He won Le Mans in As for Alliot, he spent a great deal more time as an F1 driver, but with precious little reward - seven points in more than races.

F Renault, , F3 , F2 Warwick was rated as a better prospect than Mansell in the early eighties, but never had the same break as his countryman. After three years helping to build up the momentum of the turbo-charged Toleman-Harts, culminating in nine points at the end of , he moved up with the chance to go to Renault. In two years, the team gradually slipped further away from the form that had helped Prost challenge for the title, and Warwick never got the win that had seemed inevitable after a strong first race.

Without a drive as started, having missed out at Lotus see above , he was soon to find a place at Brabham after the sad death of de Angelis in testing. The closest he came, thereafter, to the heights of his seventh overall in , was with Arrows in A string of points finishes took him to equal seventh. He got to Lotus in , but their best days were long gone, so then it was into sportscars and great success before an F1 revival in FAQ Search Memberlist Chat Usergroups Calendar Register Profile Log in to check your private messages Log in "for we wrestle not against flesh and blood but against principalities, against powers, against rulers of the darkness of this world, against wicked spirits in high places " Eph.

After dawn prayer today, extreme right settler groups, protected by Israeli soldiers and police, entered the Al Aqsa mosque compound for the second time in less than one week. At the same time, most Palestinian men under 50 and nearly all women were banned from offering prayers in the mosque, in contravention of international law. Israeli attacks against Al Aqsa are not new.

The Jerusalem Municipality also is discussing plans to turn the courtyard area between the Dome of the Rock mosque and Al Aqsa into a public park. All these actions come at a time when Israeli settlers have forcibly moved into Palestinian homes and the creation of new settlements in East Jerusalem are planned. Hatem Bazian. Luke IV The case had been due to go to trial next week. But the Crown Prosecution Service CPS , pulled out at the last minute, after company managers mysteriously decided to go back on previous commitments to testify against the nine.

Jasiewicz said the group accused the factory of making engines for drones used in Israeli attacks against Palestinians. The nine published an opinion piece at Mondoweiss today calling for more direct action and are part of London Palestine Action. Scaling the roof of the factory on 5 August last year, the nine protesters locked the front gate of the factory, locked themselves down to the roof, unfurled a banner and bunked down for the night, saying they had enough supplies to last them a week.

Based on police reports and witness statements examined by The Electronic Intifada, these two witnesses are thought to be David Cliff and Jody Yates, two managers at UAV Engines named as key witnesses for the prosecution along with fourteen police officers. The dropping of the case by UK prosecutors leaves many unanswered questions. But what seems in little doubt now is that the UAV Engines factory now may now be exposed to similar protests in future.

Workers had to be sent home for the duration. He had been arrested May 28 and since then kept behind bars. The PA government uses the tax revenues to pay its employees. On Sunday, Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah urged government employees to be patient and promised to issue a partial payment of salaries "soon. Bishara describes how the conversation may have been. It was dubbed Operation Protective Edge. About 50 days later, the fighting ended in a ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas.

During the fighting, which included an incursion by ground forces, the Israeli military launched strikes from the air, sea and land against thousands of targets. More than 2, Palestinians were killed, including hundreds of children. Despite marathon phone calls between Netanyahu and senior Democrats in an effort to convince them to tone down their objections to the speech, the underlying message relayed by the Democratic representatives in the House and the Senate is that Netanyahu ought to cancel it.

The pipeline, he said, was funded by the Palestinian Agricultural Relief Committees. It is easy to look at these numbers and lose sight of the fact that we are talking about thousands of families who continue to suffer through this cold winter with inadequate shelter. USD 5. This is distressing and unacceptable.

The plan must be submitted to the court within 60 days The prolonged water crisis is just one example of the chaos and neglect suffered by Jerusalem residents living beyond the separation barrier. One air force officer formulated this basic benefit in the following manner: "The real advantage of unmanned aerial systems is that they allow you to protect power without projecting vulnerability.

Palestinians in the occupied territories generally welcomed the unity of their compatriots in Israel, and some leaders of the Palestine Liberation Organization PLO have even taken partial credit for the list. This "fight" has little to do with "anti-Semitism" but much with muzzling Israel critic.

They fight criticism of Israel". But nothing compares to getting married and living under the same roof, in the house that Rashed bought on a mountain in Nablus. The only Palestinian Orthodox Christian bishop in the Holy Land speaking about the suffering of Palestinian Christians, their unity with Muslims in the Palestinian struggle, about Orthodox Christian martyrs, and Ukraine.

The Israeli authorities had detained him several times, or stopped him at the border, and taken away his passport. Among all Jerusalem clergymen he is the only one who has no privilege of passing through the VIP gate in the airport — because of his nationality. A fellow bishop is serving in the city of Irbid in the north of Jordan; and there are also several Palestinian priests.

My church has been protecting the Christian presence in the Holy Land and the sacred items related to the life of Christ and Christian Church history. I am proud of my religion and nationality, I am proud to belong to my fatherland. I am a Palestinian, and I belong to this religious people who are fighting for the sake of their freedom and dignity to implement their dreams and national rights. I support Palestinians and share their cause and their issues. We the Palestinian Orthodox Christians are not detached from their hardships.

The Palestinian issue is a problem that concerns all of us, Christians and Muslims alike. We the Palestinian Christians suffer along with the rest of Palestinians from occupation and hardships of our economic situation. Muslims and Christians suffer equally, as there is no difference in suffering for any of us.

We are all living in the same complicated circumstances, and overcoming the same difficulties. As a church and as individuals we protect this people, and we hope a day will come when Palestinians get their freedom and dignity. A Christian pilgrim holds a cross as he dips in the water after a ceremony at the baptismal site known as Qasr el-Yahud on the banks of the Jordan River near the West Bank city of Jericho January 18, What would you like to say to those wishing to understand better the Palestinian problem?

The Israel authorities treat the Palestinian people in a way we can never accept or approve, first and foremost because Israel treats Palestinians as foreigners, as if we were strangers in our land. Palestinians have never been strangers either to Jerusalem or to the entire homeland. Israel is an occupation force which treats us as visitors or some temporary residents. But we are the native people of this land.

In contrast, Israel appeared out of the blue. They are treating us as if we came here from elsewhere, as if we accidentally and recently strayed into this land. But we are the rightful owners of this land. Israel intruded into our lives in , and in it occupied Eastern Jerusalem. We have been here long before Israel. By the time Israel came here, our forefathers had been living here for many centuries. This is why we cannot accept Israel treating us like strangers to our own homeland. I shall be honest and say it over again: both Christians and Muslims suffer the same from the Israeli authorities.

No one can come through without one. In pursuing its racist policy towards the Palestinian people Israel disregards different confessions. We are all targeted just the same. On top of that, Israel took control of a lot of property of the Orthodox Christian Church and is interfering with the internal affairs of the Church.

They put pressure on the Palestinian Christians in all sorts of ways trying to force them to leave. The recent attack on the French satirical magazine triggered a wave of anti-Muslim marches in Europe. Netanyahu walked in the front row of such a march. What it your attitude to what happened? We denounce the attacks in Paris which were committed by the people allegedly representing a particular religion.

At the same time, we denounce just as much terrorist operations in Syria and Iraq as we denounce the terrorist attacks in Paris. Those who committed the terror attack in Paris and elsewhere, belong to the same groups that are engaged in terrorism in Syria and Iraq and attack sacred places, desecrate churches and kidnap religious leaders.

We condemn the terror attacks in Paris and we equally condemn any such attacks in any part of the world. We strongly oppose the idea of connecting these attacks to Islam. We are currently preparing for an international conference that religious figures — Christian, Muslim and Judaist — from many countries will take part in to assert that we, the representatives of the three monotheistic religions, are against terror, fanaticism and violence used under religious slogans.

The conference might take place in Amman, Jordan. To a Western mind, Allahu Akbar sounds like a threat. What do Christians of the Holy Land think about them? We Christians also say Allahu Akbar. This is an expression of our understanding that the Creator is great.

We speak against using this phrase in this context. Those who do, they insult our religion and our religious values. Those using these words while taking some unreligious, unspiritual, uncivilized actions are harming the religion. One must not use these words for non-religion-related purposes in order to justify violence and terror. So when we say Allah in our prayers we mean the Creator of this world. In our prayers and pleas, in our Orthodox Christian religious ceremonies we use exactly this word.

We say, glory be to Allah in all times. We say Allah a lot during our liturgy. We the Arab Christians say Allah in our Arabic language as a way to identify and address the Creator in our prayers. Is this all about Christ? Was he the one to provoke a religious split in the Holy Land? Christians and Muslims recognize that Jesus Christ had been born, and they are awaiting his second coming, and the judgment day.

Jews deny this however, and await their Messiah. We Christians believe that Jesus has already come. We have recently celebrated Christmas as a reminder that Jesus came into this world, that he was born in Bethlehem, and began his road here in the Holy Land for the sake of all mankind, and for the salvation of the world. This is the main disagreement between Jews and us.

Despite this fact, we are not at war with Jews. We do not express aggression against Jews or anyone else in the world, despite any differences in our beliefs. He gave us one very simple instruction: to love one another. If we are indeed true Christians it is our debt to love all people, and to treat them with positivity, and with love. When we have religious disagreements with people we pray that Allah would guide them the right way. Hatred, anger, and accusations of having a wrong faith are not a part of our ethics as Christians.

This is the key disagreement and difference between the Jewish religion and ours. We know that Jesus was persecuted, and so were the early Christians. For instance, Herod the King killed thousands of babies in Bethlehem thinking that Jesus would be among them. The book of the Acts of the Apostles, as well as sacred tradition, talk about numerous instances of persecution of early Christians. Despite that, we see each person who disagrees with us on religion as our brother, our fellow human.

Allah created all of us, he gave us life, therefore it is our duty to love each person, and to pray for those who are mistaken or are misunderstanding, so that Allah would guide them the right way. Regardless of what their political views may be, all Palestinians actively support the idea that the Palestinian people should be able to exercise their rights and achieve their dream. Yes, a number Christians have been killed since to this day. Some Christians have been driven away from their houses.

Many churches have been attacked in Jerusalem; there have been attempts to seize their property and lands. There are Christians in Israeli prisons — not as many as Muslims, but there are some. The Christian community is smaller in general, but we have our own martyrs who were killed and prisoners who spent years and years behind bars.

Christians suffer under the Israeli occupation just the same as Muslims — the entire Palestinian population suffers under it. The Holy Trinity Cathedral located in the western part of Jerusalem belonged to the Russian Orthodox Church, but after Israel used the situation in Russia to its advantage and seized some of the buildings around the Cathedral, using them as police quarters and a prison with torture practices. Although it was closed after the Revolution in Russia, its fame lives on.

Overall, we are deeply concerned with the divide in Ukraine. We still believe all Ukrainian Christians must stay within the fold of the Mother Church that is the Moscow Patriarchate. I wish the Ukraine crisis would resolve through dialogue so that we see reconciliation and an end to violence and bloodshed.

Christians do not need wars, killings and massacres. This political crisis must be resolved in a peaceful way. The Church must work hard to ensure that the divisions are bridged and overcome. Divisions must be healed. We really hope that the efforts by the Moscow Patriarchate and the Patriarchate of Constantinople will help to re-unite the Ukrainian Church.

I believe the split can be reversed and those who broke away could come back. But in order for that to happen we need humility, belief and strong will. In a press conference in Geneva, human rights expert Daniela Donges said regarding the latest escalation in violence: "The Israeli government believes it can violate the human rights of the Palestinians it controls with impunity. And who can blame them? It indeed has gotten away with apartheid and brazen war crimes for decades.

If anything, it has been rewarded, with millions of dollars of so-called aid and weaponry from the United States and preferred trade status by Europe. It investigated the case of year-old Ahmed Manasra in Jerusalem, whose video clip went viral on social media after he was left bleeding while an Israeli was cursing him and wishing him death.

Meanwhile, an Israeli police spokesperson said that Manasra was shot when he attempted to stab an Israeli. Euro-Med reported that has been admitted to the Israeli hospital Hadassah Ein Kerem with serious injuries, under continued detention. Among the other many cases that the report showed in a press conference is Israa Abed, 29, a Palestinian holding an Israeli ID.

Rami Abdu, chairman of Euro-Med Monitor, says his team has collected evidence from eyewitnesses accounts that Abed was terrified when she found herself surrounded by Israeli soldiers pointing weapons at her. The young woman refused to remove her hijab, but raised her hands and begged the officers not to shoot. Forty Palestinians have been killed and 5, were wounded in the mass protests along the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel since March 30, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported on Tuesday.

The protests have been held every Friday since then. The information on the casualties is broken down by date, nature of the injury, gender and age, as well as where the person was treated.

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Independence Day gunman eyed another attack — police. US goal for Russian oil price cap revealed — Bloomberg. US should pay compensation if Covid claim confirmed — Russia. US lawmaker twerks in campaign video. Funeral home owner in US pleads guilty to body parts for cash scheme. Kremlin alarmed by death threats to former Austrian FM. Canadian military to allow skirts and hair coloring for soldiers.

West responsible for civilian deaths in Donbass and Ukraine — Moscow. Ex-president says Ukrainians face tough choice. Ukraine alarmed over Western humanitarian and military aid. EU outlines energy emergency plan. Top Ukrainian official hints at help from Western spies. Details emerge on Copenhagen mass shooter. Soros reveals plan to save US democracy. Dmitri Trenin: Russia has made a decisive break with the West and is ready to help shape a new world order. Walter Block: Abortion is justified as evicting a trespasser from private property — but not as killing.

With attempts to 'cancel' Pushkin, Ukraine's drive to eradicate Russian language and culture has reached the level of farce. The US and Russia mark Pearl Harbor and Hitler's invasion very differently — that tells us a lot about national identity. As West blames Moscow for 'food crisis', ships sail from Mariupol with Moscow's help while Ukraine holds vessels in its ports.

Ukrainian shelling kills ten-year-old girl. Germany likely to face 'gigantic' winter crisis — Bild. Randy Orton Triple Threat No. Eugene 3 Chris Masters VS. Super Crazy 3 Melina VS. Mickey James 5 Carlito VS. Randy Orton VS. Jeff Hardy 5 Melina VS. Torrie Wilson. Super Crazy VS. Val Venis VS. Johnny Nitro VS. Viscera VS. Carlito VS. Shelton Benjamin VS.

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