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This is the first release of Radiomaniac in the year of This is a new form of Radiomaniac, we encounter it for the first time here. Since the release of the album "Antenna theory" last year, Radiomaniac have started production of the new album rapidly.

And they have entered a new phase as the band at that time. Yuri Che had been playing the guitar since its formation, becomes a permanent vocalist now. And new bassist Egor Rychkov came in. Radiomaniac is in the organization of five men rock band of two guitars that incorporates with the electronics. However the sound is too far from the main stream of the commercialism world, it is just called Modern Rock. They has the full of feeling of the Far East.

Radiomaniac has acquired a clear melody and lyrics as well as noise and heaviness, repeatedly sought to build a new style of contemporary rock music. The sound that deepened lyricism, it has become a visualized than ever. And, melancholic melody line like bearing in strong wind blowing in Sakhalin, it is so characteristic. Radiomaniac have been transformed into the top level alternative rock band in the world suddenly.

Emotional vocals ride on a heavy sound with much dignity. During his first term in office, President Vladimir Putin subjected Russian traditional media to state control while the Russian-language sector of the Internet often dubbed Runet by the Russians—for more, see Chap. Before the opposition protest wave in —, lively discussions on social, cultural, and political issues took place on the Runet; well-known opposition activists from across the political and cultural spectrum deliberated on the LiveJournal blogging and social networking site, which, prior to the protest wave, was considered the hub of political debate in Russia Etling et al.

The magnitude of the opposition mass protests in fall , that erupted in response to the falsification of the results of the parliamentary elections and swapping of chairs by Putin and Medvedev, Footnote 1 came as a surprise to protesters and the Kremlin alike, which for the first time felt the political force of social media. The occupation marked a transition from lively online political debate and activism to a mode of oppressed activism in which expressing openly anti-Kremlin views in Russia has become risky.

However, as suggested by Svetlana Erpyleva , a new generation of Russian activists may be emerging which merges politics and solving concrete, daily life problems. Compared to the situation ten years ago, in Russia has only a handful of anti-Kremlin activists openly expressing their views on Runet. LiveJournal, which banned political agitation in , has lost its position as the hub of activist debate to Facebook, YouTube, Telegram, and Instagram.

In the next section we will present our notion of online activism, define the focus of this chapter, describe the variety of forms of online activism and discuss these with reference to the theory of connective action Bennett and Segerberg In Sect. It offers communication via text messages or voice calls and claims to be the most secure messenger on the market because of its custom encryption protocol and end-to-end encryption in secret chats.

This means that the content of a secret chat can only be decrypted by the recipient of the message but not by a third party, including Telegram personnel. This feature makes Telegram a pivotal application for activists challenging the powers of the Russian state. Footnote 2 Our definition thus covers a wide variety of issues from social and environmental problems to human rights, local disputes, and more. In terms of organizational forms, it governs a continuum of actions and activists ranging from lone hackers and sporadic flashmobs organized by anonymous individuals to established movements with their entrenched social movement organizations.

The definition excludes institutionalized party politics and politicians, as well as political actions by the state e. The attribute online refers to a mode of web-based activity that has become possible and ubiquitous thanks to digital technology, Internet, social media, and mobile communications. Footnote 4 Although our focus is on activities conducted completely or partly on the Internet, we do not consider online to be an ontologically separate sphere since the boundaries between on- and offline are becoming increasingly blurred.

Some forms of online activism resemble and overlap with their offline counterparts. A politician may, for example, be contacted either through social media, via email, or personally, and a petition can be signed both on a website and on paper. Footnote 5. Other forms of online activism are, however, qualitatively different from the traditional means of protest and are only feasible online, for example, creating, reworking, and distributing Internet memes or hacking into a computer database.

In this chapter we first present in detail two cases of contentious action which explicitly challenge the Kremlin. We have selected these cases because they are among the most prominent and well-known forms of Russian online activism, and have also managed to incite related street protests. In addition, we will present examples of visible and significant, but non-political forms of activism.

Footnote 6. Although the focus of this chapter is on online activism, one should remember that an important part of the political activism in Russia is still conducted entirely offline. During the campaigns of opposition leader Alexei Navalny, for example, volunteers distribute printed leaflets in the staircases of apartment blocks in Russian cities to inform people about forthcoming street protests.

There are multiple types of online activism. The list of new forms is continuously growing with the development of technology, and various forms have been actively employed by both international and Russian activists. Among the most prevalent forms are the posting , debating , and sharing of relevant information online in various social media applications such as social networking sites.

Another important form of online activism is mobilizing and coordinating actions, for example, setting up an event or group site on Facebook. Through witnessing activists transmit information about events ignored by the state-controlled media in Russia, for example, by streaming videos of opposition street protests in real time. Footnote 7.

Sokolov Still other forms of online activism include, among others, leaktivism e. Communicative activism refers primarily to human-to-human interactions: exchanging information and raising awareness of societal problems and issues among people. The second form of communicative activism includes mobilizing and organizing people to act either on- or offline—for example, to sign an e-petition or to participate in a street protest.

Communicative activism usually takes place on widely available platforms, such as popular social networking or video sharing sites. Since it requires no sophisticated technical skills, it is the most common type of online activism.

By technoactivism we refer to the actions by humans to manipulate technological systems. A second form of technoactivism is data activism, by which we mean the use of either publicly available or open, but not widely known, datasets to bring about a change in society. In comparison to communicative activism, technoactivism typically presupposes technological know-how and competences, which exceed those of an average Internet user. Russian examples of data activism include exposing corrupt state-sponsored purchases, such as buying luxury cars for the Ministry of Emergency Situations instead of fire trucks Footnote 8 or publishing data on expensive property belonging to modestly salaried Russian state employees.

Still another example concerns using data available in a specific industry e. In empirical cases, different forms of online activism may blend into a combination of these types. In traditional collective action the advocates of a cause share the same collective action frame and the actions are coordinated by a social movement organization in a top-down manner. In connective action, by contrast, the participants may find their own, easily personalized action frame and entry point to activism with no obligation to adhere to a clear-cut ideology.

The volunteers and supporters may only share a vague and inclusive action frame e. Bennett and Segerberg , distinguish between three forms of connective action. In our empirical cases of online human and technoactivism presented in the next section, the three-fold classification above can be thought of as a variable of increasing organizational coordination.

In the crowdfunding instances of Russian activism e. In this section we first present empirical data on the on- and offline forms of activism in Russia based on the European Social Survey data in comparison to four European countries. Second, we illustrate communicative and technoactivism based on two case studies. The first case is an example of communicative activism conducted by Alexei Navalny and his Anti-Corruption Foundation and the second an example of technoactivism conducted by the Telegram messenger service.

Table 8. According to the table, the Russians were lagging behind in most of the traditional forms of activism compared to Germany, France, the United Kingdom UK , and Finland, with the exception of working in a political party or action group, where the Russians were as passive as the citizens of the four European countries.

In addition, the Russians were only slightly less keen to wear a campaign badge or sticker than the Germans. They also took part in lawful public demonstrations less frequently than the French and Germans, as often as the British but more frequently than the Finns. Most interestingly from the viewpoint of this chapter, only 4.

However, the mean percentages presented in Table 8. Moreover, the European Social Survey ESS questions do not cover the wide variety of non-political forms of civic activism. According to Sobolev and Zakharov Sobolev and Zakharov , for example, increasing numbers of Russians have been participating in recent years in charity, volunteering, and also in actions to improve their immediate surroundings. Alexei Navalny is a Russian lawyer, anti-corruption fighter, and political activist born in , who rose to fame on the Russian political scene during the opposition mass protests in In he remains the only credible challenge to Vladimir Putin from outside the political establishment and the only opposition leader who can mobilize nation-wide demonstrations in major Russian cities.

According to Dollbaum et al. The core of the campaign consisted of a broad anti-corruption stance, which allowed various political actors with a common interest in opposing the ruling regime to participate. It required little prior knowledge, and participation was framed as fun, hip, and sociable. Each of the 80 regional offices recruited several dozens of active volunteers, most in their teens and early twenties, who distributed flyers, gathered signatures, and registered supporters.

Furthermore, the offices evolved into hubs for civic activity, connecting to other oppositional activists on the ground, hosting lectures, film screenings, and discussions. Besides nurturing a collective identity and strengthening social ties, this activity was explicitly aimed at involving young people in political discourse, combating apathy and depoliticization. Dollbaum et al. At the heart of this tension was the clash between the logics of goal-oriented political action and a movement of volunteers and activist recruited through street protests.

Footnote In the related instructional YouTube video, he urged people to vote for the candidate of the party—with the exception of the ruling party United Russia—which polled the most votes during the last election in their voting district. The suggestions were sent to voters by email, made available via Telegram bot, and at the campaign website. In all, the particularity of communicative online activism in Russia consists of a cat-and-mouse game between activists and the Kremlin.

In this game, the Kremlin has succeeded in recreating an atmosphere of fear where all anti-government expression online in Russia has become risky. Alexei Navalny is one of the few who, thanks to his popularity, can afford to run this risk, and continues to speak directly to the people through social media, thereby circumventing his ban on state-controlled media. According to Zuckerman, under authoritarian conditions opposition activists should rely on popular platforms on which non-political pictures of cute cats are posted.

Due to the popularity of these platforms, their shutting down by the government is risky since it may annoy a large part of population—also those previously not interested or involved in politics. In this conflict the Russian state tried to block the messenger service, whose global image and marketing campaigns focus on encryption and privacy. In line with this, the company refused to collaborate with the Russian security service. It therefore allowed activists to continue publishing and distributing their anti-governmental views anonymously.

The case of Telegram constitutes the most significant example of a successful struggle against Internet control by the increasingly authoritarian Russian state. Telegram used its knowledge and understanding of Internet protocols, as well as mechanisms for updating smartphones from mobile application stores to circumvent blocks. Telegram combined this with a major crowd-sourcing initiative to fight for the free exchange of information protected against state monitoring.

Because of its visual nature, the action succeeded in gaining media attention and in showing support for Telegram. However, unlike the technological online resistance described later in this article, this offline public support action had no sequels and was ignored by the Kremlin.

To be more precise, the FSB asked Telegram to hand over the encryption keys, that is, digital passwords, without which it is impossible to read communication content. The security service justified its requirement by the need to decrypt terrorist messages sent via Telegram in connection with the terror attack on a St. Petersburg metro train on April 3, On April 13, , the Taganskij court in Moscow ruled that access to Telegram in Russia should be blocked due to the failure of Telegram to provide the FSB with the encryption keys.

In technical terms, the FSB required Telegram to rewrite their messaging application from scratch to enable the FSB to read all messages sent via Telegram. As a response, Telegram assigned them different addresses, making it challenging to discover the new addresses and to communicate their location to the ISPs fast enough. ISPs in Russia are obliged to download a register of addresses to block daily, and Telegram can change addresses several times per hour.

However, Telegram cannot assign random addresses to its servers because they must be in a range owned by the company at which Telegram keeps the servers, such as Google or Amazon. Google and Amazon, for example, provide hosting for many companies worldwide, including companies operating in Russia.

Internet services not related to Telegram were merely affected because they had servers in the same range of addresses as Telegram. As a wealthy company Telegram could afford to rent many large ranges of addresses from giant hosting providers. Blocking all of them would have meant collateral damage to Internet services, which are essential for many people in Russia. Thus, Roskomnadzor was able to block only some of them, and Telegram used the remaining part. In addition to the actions described above, Telegram took several steps to avoid blocking imposed by Roskomnadzor.

First, the company encouraged users worldwide to run so-called proxy servers, that is, intermediary services with ample capacity to forward Telegram traffic to actual Telegram servers. Pavel Durov, the CEO of the company, even announced a grant program promising financial support to individuals who develop and run proxies for Telegram users on their own or rented servers. Second, Telegram encouraged people to use virtual private networks VPN. VPN allows establishing an encrypted connection from a laptop or smartphone to a location outside their country.

A VPN server there serves as an intermediary allowing connection to Telegram from that location. Third, Telegram uses so-called push updates similar to message notifications in messengers such as WhatsApp to notify the Telegram application of any server address changes. If Roskomnadzor had blocked the push notifications, it effectively would have blocked all notifications from Apple and Google servers to all applications on all Android and iOS smartphones in Russia.

It would have disrupted many services, including popular online banking applications, which Roskomnadzor did not dare. Technoactivism often requires extensive technical expertise and money to build a technical solution and a relatively large community ready to support, popularize, crowdfund, and help technically with its implementation.

Its success depends on technical abilities, expertise, and the limitations of its opponents. Our definition of online activism includes forms of action which are not contentious or political in nature. They do not directly challenge state power but are rather targeted at resolving social, cultural, or local problems. Such activities are relatively common in Russia; they address a wide variety of issues and usually do not require an organization to coordinate operations.

These activities may, however, become politicized and transformed into protests when, for example, the discussions approach the fields of healthcare, education reforms, taxation, or parental interests; when residents start opposing the planning of new garbage dumps nearby, or when apartment owners begin to mobilize against the replacement of a neighborhood park with an apartment block.

Nevertheless, some topics such as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender LGBT rights, gender identities or sexual and domestic violence have already been politicized in official discourse in Russia regardless of the initial nature of the public debate or intentions regarding contentious mobilization.

The range of non-political issues and social problems addressed by online activists covers a wide variety of everyday problems from animal rights to parental movements, car owner rights, and so on. The issues related to environmental topics and problems related to real estate ownership rights e. Activism around these topics usually begins as an attempt to solve local problems and becomes politicized in the course of events cf.

Erpyleva One of the first big ecological movements was the defense of the Khimki forest Moscow region — It became politicized relatively quickly, but involved negotiations with the authorities, communication with them, and even their sporadic support for the movement. This type of activism has been common in campaigns organized by local residents against urban construction projects and for the protection of parks and green urban zones in Russian cities see Gladarev and Lonkila and for an example in St.

LGBT-podrostki Children These actions were repeatedly commented on by high-ranking state officials and Duma the lower house of the Federal Assembly of Russia deputies, who denied the relevance of the issue, referring to traditional Russian family values, such as patriarchal family relations. The examples presented above of online activism demonstrate its significance in protecting human rights, solving everyday problems, and making the authorities aware of them.

They also highlight the thin and easily permeable line between non-political and political activism in Russia. In this chapter we have illustrated through selected cases the ways digitalization has affected activism in Russia. In the case of the communicative activism of Alexei Navalny, the coordination was implemented by his team at the Anti-Corruption Foundation. Telegram and Pavel Durov lack similar political ambitions.

The technoactivism of Telegram showed that with sufficient technical expertise and financial resources it is possible to develop relatively sophisticated and distributed protection against the blocking of web resources by the state. Before the battle between Telegram and the Kremlin, all efforts of the Russian state to block Internet content had been successful: the torrent tracker rutracker. Both of these two cases have been rare examples of visible and contentious online activism enabled by digital technology in Russia.

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Skazat torrent org Besides nurturing a collective identity and strengthening social ties, this activity was explicitly aimed at involving young people in political discourse, combating apathy and depoliticization. Because of its visual nature, the action succeeded in gaining media attention skazat torrent org in showing support for Telegram. The range of non-political issues and social problems addressed by online activists covers a wide variety of everyday problems from animal rights to parental movements, car owner rights, and so on. If Roskomnadzor had blocked the push notifications, it effectively would have blocked all notifications from Apple and Google servers to all applications on all Android and iOS smartphones in Russia. Google Scholar. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 15 : —
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Mary lambert album torrent At the heart of this tension was the clash between the logics of goal-oriented political action and a movement of volunteers and activist recruited through street protests. In September 9,the video had LiveJournal, which banned political skazat torrent org inhas lost its position as the hub of activist debate to Facebook, YouTube, Telegram, and Instagram. European Social Survey Round 8 Data. There are no reviews yet. User icon An illustration of a person's head and chest. Our focus does not imply that we consider non-political forms of activism less important in Russia.


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